2.5 Selected Other Examples of Conflict and International Intervention

Contents | Previous | Next

Kosovo 1998-99
Serb oppression of the Kosovar Albanian community led to the emergence during 1997 of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). KLA attacks on Serb police were often followed by reprisal attacks against civilians. Following the success of the 1995 NATO bombing campaign, the Dayton Agreement and the deployment of substantial NATO forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina, NATO took a close interest in the course of events in Kosovo. In October 1998 international negotiators obtained Belgrade’s agreement to aerial surveillance of the province by NATO and the deployment of 2000 monitors by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), steps which provided the international community with immediate and accurate information on the attacks by Serb military units on Kosovar Albanian civilians.

The UN Security Council was directly engaged with the efforts to achieve a peaceful solution during 1998, but threats by Russia and China to veto any resolution that authorized the use of force led to NATO to, in effect, by-pass the Security Council. Despite the threat of NATO bombing Belgrade refused to sign a draft agreement at negotiations at Rambouillet and Paris in February and March 1999. In an operation that was of dubious legality, given the lack of direct authorization by the UN Security Council, NATO planes began bombing Serb forces in Kosovo on 24th March 1999. The start of bombing did not produce the anticipated caving-in by Belgrade which responded with a program of killings and forced expulsion of Kosovar Albanians from the province. In all 90% of the Kosovar community were displaced from their homes with 860,000 seeking refuge in neighboring countries particularly the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Albania and nearly 600,000 remaining as IDPs within the province.

The forced expulsion of Kosovar Albanians, the apparent disappearance of large numbers of Kosovar Albanian males, and fears of a repeat of the 1995 massacre in Srebrenica in Bosnia, led to the qualified use of the term ‘genocide’, at least in the US administration. The bombing campaign was escalated to include military and ‘dual-use’ targets in much of Serbia as well as in Kosovo. NATO ground forces were deployed to Macedonia and Albania to prepare for a ground invasion if necessary.

Efforts by Russia to find a solution eventually led to an agreement that provided for “sub-stan-tial autonomy” for Kosovo within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but contained no timeline or mechanism for resolving Kosovo’s long term status. NATO ceased its air campaign in June after 78 days of continuous bombing. On the same day the UN Security Council passed a resolution which provided the framework for the post-war administration of Kosovo which in effect became an international protectorate under UN administration – the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Two days later the first of 20,000 NATO and Russian forces were deployed to the province to form the Kosovo International Security Force (KFOR) and refugees in Macedonia and Albania began to spontaneously repatriate. Reprisal attacks against Kosovar Serbs and other minority groups by Kosovar Albanians resulted in the departure of approximately 100,000 Kosovar Serbs (half of the pre-1999 population).

Despite President Milosevic’s removal from office in October 2000 (and his handing over to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague in June 2001) and a more liberal and democratic government in Belgrade, little direct progress has been made in resolving the long-term status of Kosovo. 18,000 troops from NATO and other countries remain in the province.

East Timor 1999
Indonesia’s 1975 invasion and annexation of the former Portuguese colony of East Timor was not recognized by most UN member states. An insurgency developed and was brutally suppressed by the Indonesian military. Over the next 25 years an estimated 200,000 people were killed out of a total population of just 1 million. However, it was only with the replacement of President Suharto of Indonesia by President Habibie in May 1998 that meaningful consideration of East Timor’s future and possible independence became possible. In May 1999 President Habibie agreed to the holding of a plebiscite on the territory’s future. The plebiscite would be administered by the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) but the Indonesian military would remain responsible for security during the plebiscite period. The plebiscite was eventually held on 30th August 1999 and 78.5% voted in favor of independence. Almost immediately there was widespread violence and looting by anti-independence militia helped by units of the Indonesian military. The violence left up to 1,000 dead and displaced 700,000 with 200,000 fleeing or being forced to Indonesian West Timor. While the majority of UNAMET international staff were withdrawn, some including the Special Representative of the Secretary General opted to remain in the beleaguered UN compound in a conscious decision not to repeat the UN withdrawal from Rwanda in April 1994 and to demonstrate the UN’s solidarity with the majority of the population of East Timor.

Australia instigated discussions on a possible military intervention, though took care to gain the consent of the Indonesian Government to avoid major clashes with the Indonesian military. Consent was eventually achieved on 12th September 1999 after considerable diplomatic and financial pressure was brought to bear on Indonesia. Three days later the Security Council authorized an Australian-led multinational force of 2,500 troops – the International Force in East Timor (INTERFET) under a Chapter VII mandate. The force, equipped with helicopters and armored personnel carriers, began deploying into the smoldering ruins of Dili on 20th September. Skirmishes with the Indonesian military and anti-independence militia were limited and INTERFET was able to supervise the largely peaceful withdrawal of the Indonesian military from the territory. A UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was established under a newly appointed SRSG to manage an ambitious program of civil administration, rehabilitation and nation-building. In February 2000, INTERFET transferred military control of the territory to UNTAET which eventually comprised 8,000 troops and 1,500 civilian specialists and police. UNTAET’s program included preparing for democratic elections which were held successfully in August 2001. In May 2002 the new nation also changed its name to Timor-Leste and in September 2002 it joined the United Nations.

Sierra Leone 1997-2002
In early 1996, after 30 years of coups and countercoups, Ahmed Kabbah came to power through presidential and parliamentary elections. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF) which had contested the election continued a campaign of armed opposition with support provided by Liberia and Libya. A peace agreement was reached with the RUF in November 1996 following talks brokered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the UN, the OAU and Côte d’Ivoire. Six months later in May 1997 Kabbah was deposed in a military coup led by Major Koromah who was supported by the RUF. The coup was universally condemned and Nigeria sent a force to protect its citizens that was subsequently expanded into an ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) force to enforce sanctions and restore law and order. The ECOWAS intervention was subsequently supported by the UN Security Council and authorized to cut off the RUF’s foreign military supplies. In February 1998 the ECOMOG force (comprising 13,000 troops 90% of whom were Nigerian) launched attacks on the junta and expelled them and the RUF from Freetown and within a few weeks had established a presence across much of the country. President Kabbah was restored to power in March 1998.

However almost a year later the RUF had recovered sufficiently to confront and push back the ECOMOG forces and, in January 1999, swept in to Freetown killing thousands of civilians, systematically dismembering and raping tens of thousands of others, and displacing 150,000 people from the city. It took several weeks for ECOMOG forces to recover and regain control of the city. The UN Security Council then became more engaged and approved the replacement of an earlier Observer Mission by the UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) with a force of upto 6,000 troops a robust mandate including to “afford protection to civilians under imminent threat of physical violence”. The first UNAMSIL troops arrived in December 1999 and four ECOMOG battalions were ‘rehatted’ as UN blue helmets. In January 2000 UNAMSIL contingents were ambushed by the RUF and their military hardware captured. The Security Council raised UNAMSIL’s authorized troop level to 11,000 and expanded its mandate to enable it to use force against the RUF. The deployment of a UNAMSIL contingent to Koidu, the seat of the RUF diamond mining centre, was seen by the RUF as a direct provocation and in May a group of UNAMSIL troops and their helicopters were taken hostage and during the subsequent fighting the RUF encircled and in effect took hostage a further 500 UNAMSIL troops.

Faced with the collapse of UNAMSIL and the considerable strengthening of the RUF, the UK sent 800 paratroopers and a naval flotilla to Sierra Leone with the objectives of securing Freetown’s airport, enabling a redeployment of UNAMSIL forces to strengthen the defenses of Freetown and generally providing a credible force to back up UNAMSIL. After some skirmishes between the UK forces and the RUF and the capture of the RUF leader Foday Sankoh, the situation was stabilized and the UNAMSIL hostages released. UNAMSIL’s troop level was subsequently built up to 17,000 and considerable pressure brought to bear on Liberian President Charles Taylor who had been the RUF’s principal backer. In March 2001 UNAMSIL contingents were deployed peacefully into RUF held areas. A disarmament and demobilization program commenced in May 2001 and was completed by January 2002 by which point 45,000 RUF and other fighters had been disarmed. The war was declared over in January 2002.

With the war over, the UN and the Government of Sierra Leone agreed to establish a Special Court for Sierra Leone that was deliberately designed to offer an alternative model to the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda that were perceived to be cumbersome and expensive. So far in total 13 individuals have been indicted including, in June 2003, the then President of Liberia Charles Taylor. In addition a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established and began hearings in April 2003.

Liberia 1989-2003
Liberia has experienced two civil wars over the last 15 years. The first civil war began in 1989 when fighters of the National Patriotic Front for Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor crossed into Liberia from Côte d’Ivoire to oppose President Samuel Doe who was subsequently killed by a breakaway faction of the NPFL. An ECOMOG force dominated by Nigeria intervened but its legitimacy was questionable as Nigeria was then under military rule and the force was not supported by Francophone members of ECOWAS. The NPFL opposed the ECOMOG intervention which had the effect of preventing Taylor’s capture of Monrovia. While the conflict involved a direct confrontation between ECOMOG and the NPFL the splintering of factions and the emergence of new groups controlling different parts of the country (and exploiting the natural resources) created a complex, outwardly anarchic situation.

The 1993 Cotonou peace agreement was sponsored by the UN, ECOWAS and the OAU but was not implemented, partly because ECOMOG lacked the necessary logistical capacity to deploy effectively in all areas of the country to undertake the agreed demobilization program. In 1996 after heavy fighting in Monrovia itself the US and EU overcame their antipathy towards the military regime in Nigeria and began providing military equipment to ECOMOG. ECOMOG’s legitimacy was increased by the contribution of contingents by Francophone members of ECOWAS. The Abuja 2 peace process gained momentum and a disarmament process began in November 1996. Elections jointly organized by ECOWAS and the UN were won convincingly by Charles Taylor, partly because the electorate were fearful of a return to war if he lost and partly because his campaign was well-resourced from natural resource exploitation in areas controlled by the NPFL during the war.

Charles Taylor ruled Liberia from August 1997 to August 2003. His presidential style was little different from his earlier role as a warlord. Differences with ECOMOG resulted in ECOMOG’s withdrawal at the end of 1998. The national army was restructured and filled with former NPFL fighters. Human rights abuses were widespread, particularly against those from the Krahn ethnic group. Insecurity and banditry continued. The UN’s role in Liberia after Taylor’s electoral victory was limited. Donor funding for reconstruction was conditional on improvements in security and human rights and consequently much of the infrastructure remained unrepaired. In 1999 the second civil war began when rebels of the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) invaded from Guinea and were subsequently joined by the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) which had been formed with backing from Côte d’Ivoire. While Taylor’s persecution of the Krahn was an important factor in the formation of these rebel movements, so too was his apparent involvement with opposition groups in Guinea and with the 1999 coup in Côte d’Ivoire.

Taylor increasingly came to be seen as a source of instability in the region. He provided significant support to the RUF rebels in Sierra Leone and acted as a channel for the illegal export of diamonds from RUF controlled areas of Sierra Leone. Following a December 2000 report by a UN Panel of Experts on Sierra Leone Diamonds and Arms documenting these links, a UN Security Council resolution banned the export of diamonds from Liberia and imposing travel sanctions on senior officials. Rebel forces increased the areas under their control and by early 2003 were within 10 kilometers of Monrovia. In June 2003 Taylor was indicted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone for his support to, and joint planning with, the RUF. Fighting for the control of Monrovia intensified and several hundred people were killed. ECOWAS approved a new peacekeeping force for Liberia (ECOMIL) and the first forces began arriving in Monrovia in early August 2003 with largely symbolic support being provided by a force of US marines positioned offshore. On 11th August 2003, under intense international pressure, Charles Taylor resigned and left for exile in Nigeria. A week later a peace accord was signed and a National Transitional Government of Liberia was established. In September 2003 the UN Security Council approved the establishment of a peacekeeping force the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) with a troop level of 15,000. The force began arriving in October and is currently undertaking a disarmament, demobilization and reintegration program.

Côte d’Ivoire 2002-04
President Henri Konan Bedie was overthrown in a military coup lead by Robert Guei in 1999. In 2000 Guei was forced out of power by a popular uprising following a presidential election widely believed to have been rigged in Guei’s favor. Laurent Gbagbo, believed to have been the true victor in the election was proclaimed President. However, Alassane Outtara who had been prevented from standing in the 2000 election called for fresh elections and fighting broke out between his mainly northern Muslim supporters and Gbagbo’s mainly southern Christian supporters. Over the next two years there were changing fortunes of their respective parties in parliamentary elections.

In September 2002, a group of several hundred soldiers attempted a coup d’état. Failing to take Abidjan they retreated to Bouaké in the north of the country. The failed coup soon degenerated into a war between loyalist government forces and breakaway army troops who soon began calling themselves the Mouvement Patriotique de la Côte d’Ivoire (MPCI) and seized cities and towns in the northern and central regions. A move south towards Abidjan was blocked by French troops based in Abidjan under a 1961 defense pact. In October 2002, a ceasefire was brokered by the President of Senegal with the ceasefire line dividing the country into the MPCI controlled northern half and the south remaining in under the control of forces loyal to President Gbago. France expanded its Abidjan force to 3,500 troops under “Opération Licorne” and agreed to supervise the ceasefire until ECOWAS troops could take over. Peace talks began in Lomé but in November 2002, two new insurgent groups appeared in the west of the country, below the ceasefire line. Their declared intention was to remove President Gbagbo and avenge the death of former junta leader Robert Guei who had been killed during the failed coup attempt.

In January peace talks in Paris resulted in a power-sharing agreement between Gbagbo and the rebel groups. A UN political mission (MINUCI) to facilitate the implementation of the agreement was approved by the Security Council in May 2003 and in July 2003 the war was declared over by the army and rebel leaders. However the situation remained very fragile with exposures of planned coup attempts and an attack on the state TV station in Abidjan in December 2003. In February 2004 the Security Council approved the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force (UNOCI – the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire) with an authorized troop level of 6,240. A subsequent Security Council resolution authorized the French troops present in the country to “use all necessary means” to support UNOCI including “intervene against belligerent actions, if the security conditions so require, outside the areas directly controlled by UNOCI”.

Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia – 2001
With external support and facilitation, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) was able to draw back from the brink of a civil war in 2001 and stands as a rare case of international intervention preventing a more serious conflict.

In 2001 a guerrilla force ‘the National Liberation Army’ emerged in the Albanian-speaking areas along the country’s northern border with Kosovo. The NLA’s political agenda was for a new Constitution guaranteeing the rights for the ethnic Albanian minority. The Government responded forcefully and the fighting spread, first to the mountainous outskirts of Tetovo, the main ethnic Albanian town in Macedonia, and in May to the region around Kumanovo in the north displacing approximately 20,000 people. Western governments were anxious to prevent a widening of the conflict into a full-fledged civil war with potentially far-reaching consequences for the situation in Kosovo and Serbia and also for Greece. The large NATO presence in Kosovo with important logistics bases in FYROM, heightened NATO governments’ concern with the situation, but also their ability to influence events.

Senior EU foreign policy representatives became intensively engaged in supporting the parties to reach a solution. In May a government of national unity was formed pledged to address minority grievances but this provoked clashes and unrest from the Macedonian majority in and around the capital Skopje. On 13th August the government and rebels signed the Ohrid Agreement that provided for greater recognition of the rights of ethnic Albanians in exchange for the handover of weapons to NATO forces. The NATO operation to collect the rebels weapons ‘Operation Essential Harvest’ took place during September. In October the government announced an amnesty for former NLA members and Macedonian police began re-entering the villages formerly controlled by the NLA. In November the Parliament approved a new constitution incorporating reforms re-quired by August peace deal, recognizing Albanian as an official language and increasing access for ethnic Albanians to public-sector jobs, including the police. Early the following year international donors pledged more than USD 500 million in aid to help recovery from the 2001 fighting.

Afghanistan 2001- 04
Following the withdrawal of Soviet forces in 1989 there was continued conflict between the Najibullah regime in Kabul and the various mujahidin/factional groups that had developed during the Soviet occupation. Kabul was the target of periodic destructive rocket attacks from 1992-96. Starting in 1994 the Pakistan-supported Taliban gradually extended their control over large parts of the country. By 1998 the Taliban controlled all but the north of the country which remained under the control of former mujahidin groups comprising the Northern Alliance. While the Taliban imposed stability they introduced an extreme interpretation of Islam and hosted al-Qa’ida terrorist training camps that were the target of a US missile strike in August 1998 following al-Qa’ida bombings of US embassies in Eastern Africa. Sanctions against the Taliban were authorized by the UN Security Council in 1999 and again in 2000.

The al-Qa’ida attacks on New York and Washington in September 2001 and the Taliban’s refusal to surrender Osama bin Laden to the US authorities led to a US-led coalition bombing campaign in support of an advance by the Northern Alliance beginning on 7th October. Coalition ground forces also operated in support of the Northern Al-li-ance. The operations did not receive direct authorization by the UN Security Council, though a September 12th resolution referred to the Security Council’s “readiness to take all necessary steps to respond to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and to combat all forms of terrorism” and the preamble had recognized the “inherent right of individual or collective self defense in accordance with the Charter”. The Northern Alliance achieved a rapid southward advance taking Kabul in November and Kandahar in December.

The UN was active in efforts to achieve a post-Taliban settlement. It sponsored the Bonn conference of December 2001 that brought together the leaders of the Northern Alliance and other anti-Taliban factions. The Bonn Agreement appointed the Afghanistan Interim Administration (AIA) and agreed to a timetable for re-establishing permanent government institutions over the course of two and a half years. The United Nations Assistance Mission (UNAMA) was established by a Security Council Resolution in March 2002 to fulfill the UN’s obligations as set out in the Bonn Agreement. In accordance with the timetable agreed at Bonn, the Emergency Afghan Loya Jirga held in June 2002 replaced the AIA with the Afghanistan Transitional Administration (ATA) and elected Hamid Karzai as the head of state and pro-tem head of government of the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan (TISA). The ATA will remain in power until national elections, scheduled for 9th October 2004, are held.

Military operations by forces of the US-led Coalition have continued against al-Qa’ida and Taliban remnants in the southern and eastern parts of the country. Poor security in these areas and an increasing number of attacks on UN and NGO personnel and those working for private contractors have severely limited the operations of reconstruction and development efforts in these areas. Security in and around Kabul has been main-tained quite successfully by a separate, UN-authorized, International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) of some 4,500 troops. Initially ISAF was led by the UK, then by Turkey and then by Germany/The Netherlands. Currently ISAF is under NATO command.

Contents | Previous | Next